The story: Iraq marked its Army's centenary on Jan. 6. While many view it as an occasion to celebrate, it is also mired in controversy due to the Army's history. Under his rule, former dictator Saddam Hussein used the force to oppress his people and attack Iraq’s neighbors. Meanwhile, some Iraqi personalities critical of Iran have seized the occasion to question the loyalty of political leaders who fought against the Iraqi Army prior to the US-led invasion in 2003.

The coverage: On Jan. 6, the 100th anniversary of the establishment of the Iraqi Army, various officials issued congratulatory messages. In his statement, President Barham Salih wrote, “The Iraqi Army represents the prestige of the state.” Prime Minister Mustafa Al-Kadhimi, in a televised speech on Jan. 5, asserted, “Regardless of how the choices, political struggles, and futile wars impact the journey [of the Army], it remained loyal to the nation and the state."

The congratulatory statement of Hadi Al-Ameri, the head of the Fatah coalition, received criticism. The US-funded Al-Hurra on Jan. 6 curated several critical responses to the statement, including a video of Ameri pledging loyalty to Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini, Iran's former supreme leader, in broken Persian. The video was shot on the front close to the western Iranian town of Bakhtaran, where Ameri was leading the Badr Brigades, fighting alongside Iranian forces during the 1980-88 Iran-Iraq War.

The Nasr (Victory) bloc, headed by former prime minister Haider Al-Abadi, also issued a statement on Jan 6. It was critical of the Kurdistan Regional Government for its refusal to mark the date of the Iraqi Army's establishment. Nasr described the non-recognition as an “insult to the Iraqi Army", since in the politicial coalition's view, the force is "patriotic and federal". It further demanded that the authorities in the Kurdish region “stop this behavior which violates the constitution and requisites of the federal system.”

The context/analysis: The controversy surrounding the Iraqi Army is fundamentally rooted in Saddam Hussein’s policies. He used the military institution for political purposes which repeatedly backfired, such as his invasions of Iran in 1980 and Kuwait in 1990. At home, he deployed troops to crack down on dissent.

The criticism against Ameri’s statement goes back to the historical ties between much of the current Iraqi political class, which was largely an exiled opposition under Saddam Hussein, and the Islamic Republic of Iran. Many dissidents, including Ameri, fled to Iran in the 1980s and aligned themselves with Tehran against Saddam’s regime. The Badr Brigades were established in Iran in 1982 and composed of Iraqis opposed to Saddam. They fought against the Iraqi Army during the Iran-Iraq War, and were after 2003 renamed as the Badr Organization. The group has since participated in the political process in Iraq while maintaining its strong relationship with Iran. 

Those in Iraq who oppose Iran view the Badr Organization and other former opposition parties with ties to the Islamic Republic as representatives of Iranian interests in Iraq. Mindful of this context, positive comments about the Iraqi Army from groups or figures close to Iran are perceived as insincere by opponents of Iranian influence.

As for the tension between Nasr and the KRG, it should be noted that the Iraqi state has over the past century used the Army to crush various Kurdish rebellions. Under Saddam Hussein, the military was ordered to commit genocide in northern Iraq, including the deployment of chemical weapons against Kurdish civilians. These events make it difficult for Kurds to see the Iraqi Army as an army for all Iraqis. Consequently, the Kurds have their own army, the Peshmerga, and the Iraqi Army has no presence in Kurdish areas. Shiites in southern Iraq have also been on the receiving end of violence perpetrated by the military, including in 1991, when an uprising against Saddam Hussein led to assaults on towns and cities. 

As such, many Iraqis have dark memories of the atrocities committed by Saddam Hussein's regime using the Army and other state institutions.

Of further note, Paul Bremer, the head of the Coalition Provisional Authority in Iraq, dissolved the Army after the 2003 US-led invasion and occupation of Iraq.

The future: The Iraqi Army maintains the potential to become a professional institution that could one day unify all Iraqis. However, its historical role in cracking down on dissent at home and engagement in adventurism abroad will likely remain a sore issue for many Iraqis in the years to come.

The Iraqi state will continue its efforts to rebuild and equip the Army. However, these efforts are likely to continue to be plagued by chronic corruption and mismanagement. This challenge is further compounded by the overlapping and competing roles and interests of the Army vis-a-vis other security institutions, such as the Popular Mobilization Units (PMU).

Lastly, the Army is likely to continue to be geographically restricted in its deployment. Indeed, it is improbable that it will have a presence in the Kurdish areas any time soon, despite the security challenges there posed by the Turkish Army.